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In many warming river systems allergy symptoms chest tightness buy promethazine 25 mg free shipping, cold- and cool-water adapted fishes have been seen to have shifted their distributions upstream (Comte and Grenouillet latex allergy symptoms underwear promethazine 25mg cheap, 2013) allergy testing yuma purchase promethazine with visa, but this option is limited in the Yangtze because of its great length allergy symptoms landry detergant buy promethazine us, its east-west aspect, and the large number of dams and other instream barriers (Dudgeon, 2011). Given the inability of species to move to suitable habitats, the Yangtze fish community will become dominated by those species with more generalist habitat requirements, which likely include non-native species (Davidson, Jennions and Nicotra, 2011; Rahel and Olden, 2008), as the effects of warming and shifts in the flow regime strengthen in the future. Future management of inland fisheries in the Yangtze River basin will therefore face the issues of climate change on target species as well as the continued issues of pollution, habitat degradation and existing human over-exploitation. The source of the Ganges River is glacial meltwater from the Gangotri glacier, located 6 000 metres above sea level in the Himalayas (Sanghi and Kaushal, 2014), and across the basin. The basin consists of hilly terrains of the Himalayas with dense forest, sparsely forested Shiwalik hills and the fertile Ganga plains, resulting in habitats varying from high-gradient, cool-water upland streams in the short (about 300 km) mountain zone, warm water stretches in the Gangetic plains, including wetlands, oxbow lakes, and multiple interlaced channels along a section extending for 2 300 km, and finally deltaic habitats (Vass et al. It is the most populous river basin in the world with 500 million people and a mean population density of 550 individuals/km2, and up to 900 in the delta region (Sanghi and Kaushal, 2014). About 33 percent of the land area of the Indian part of the Ganges basin is already under severe water stress (consumption exceeding 40 percent of the available water; Babel and Wahid, 2011). During 2011 to 2040, rice and wheat yields are projected to undergo marked declines (by between 17 percent and 43 percent respectively) in the basin (Dulal, 2014). About 90 percent of all water abstractions in the basin are for agriculture, which is the mainstay of the economy. Some of the largest irrigation schemes in the world are found here (Jeuland et al. An Indian plan to divert more than 174 million m3 of water from water-rich to water-scarce basins, largely from the Brahmaputra through the Ganges and many of its distributaries to the drier southern and western parts of India, will possibly cause a decline in the already limited dry seasonal flow of the Ganges, threaten basin ecosystem integrity, and pose serious ecological and economic threats to downstream Bangladesh (Shahjahan and Harvey, 2012). There are more than 1 000 dams in the basin (Kelkar, 2014), and all tributaries in India are controlled by barrages, which divert water for irrigation (Payne et al. Embankments have been constructed to restrict flooding, but these prevent fishes from accessing flooded habitats to reproduce, feed and grow, and increase sediment deposition in riverbeds with lower flow and higher risks for embankment breach and flooding as a consequence (Babel and Wahid, 2011), and the spawning habitats of several fishes have been affected (Rahman, 2008). From the headwaters to the delta, there are more than 30 major cities with more than 300 000 people, and the Ganges is now considered among the five most polluted rivers in the world as a result of the discharge of increasing quantities of sewage, industrial effluents and other pollutants from rapid urbanization, industrialization and agricultural growth (Kiumar, 2014). Some persistent chemicals are present in fish at higher concentrations than permitted in the United States of America, by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (Samanta, 2013). A further threat is posed by the ritual disposal of human bodies and cattle corpses in the river (Trivedi, 2010). Fisheries in the basin involve professional, part-time and subsistence fishers and play an important role in nutrition, income and employment particularly in Bangladesh and India. There are also numerous medium and small lakes in Nepal heavily exploited for fish. Ainsworth and Cowx (forthcoming) estimate that at least 13 million people in Bangladesh are part-time fishers, while 142 000 men and 223 000 women are subsistence fishers in Nepal (Sharma, 2008). In 2009, Bangladesh had an estimated annual fish consumption of 19 kg/capita, which represents more than 60 percent of animal source food. Around 36 percent of the fish came from freshwater capture fisheries (Belton et al. Upland habitats are dominated by cold-water-adapted cyprinids including Schizothorax species (snowtrout; 20 percent to 80 percent of the catch) and Tor species (Mahseer), and are exploited from below 1 800 metres above sea level (Payne et al. The contribution of upland riverine fisheries to basin catches is low and less diverse compared with lowland fisheries. In the lower reaches of the Ganges, Indian and Chinese major carps make up 50 percent of the total catch, and anadromous hilsa (Tenualosa ilisha) also makes significant contributions to catches (Payne et al. For subsistence fishers, small indigenous fish species are Chapter 19: Current anthropogenic stress and projected effect of climate change on global inland fisheries 411 considered vitally important for maintaining household food security (Ainsworth and Cowx, forthcoming). Fish landings in the upper and middle Ganges are dwindling, and catches of Indian major carps and hilsa have decreased (the latter likely because of the construction of the Farakka barrage in India in the 1970s), while the contribution of exotic fish increased (now 43 percent to 48 percent of the total catch). In the lower part of the basin, catches have increased, probably as a consequence of the growing population. However, the catch of spawn from wild major carps in Bangladesh declined from 17 241 kg/yr in the 1980s to 2 255 kg/yr in the 2000s (Rahman, 2008). Several non-native fish species have been introduced, mostly for aquaculture, including salmonids, a variety of carp species (including Chinese carp), Mozambique tilapia (Oreochromis mossambicus) and Pangasius catfish (Pangasianodon hypophthalmus) and make major contributions to fisheries. Fishing communities are marginalized and socio-economically impoverished, with low levels of education making them particularly vulnerable to negative impacts of climate change.

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In this case allergy testing mayo clinic order promethazine no prescription, we see little of the "mixing" that exists in the area around London allergy symptoms to gluten promethazine 25 mg amex, where several regions overlap geographically allergy medicine for 2 year old purchase promethazine with a mastercard. Note: the shading denotes the core regions of the United Kingdom arising from analysis of communication interactions allergy testing yellowknife buy promethazine 25mg free shipping. Deprivation and opportunity We know that social interaction forms the backbone of social and economic life: from finding a good film to landing a deal, who we know and how we know them is a crucial determinant of success. And although the map presented in Figure 1b suggests a strong link on a regional, or even national scale, early work by Granovetter had already established this connection at the individual level. Awareness of a crucial job opportunity or innovation is much more likely to come from acquaintances and those with whom we are only weakly connected. The simplistic explanation for this weak-ties effect is that we already interact intensively with our close friends and colleagues, and so we come to share the same background knowledge, the same awareness of opportunities, and, ultimately, the same view of the world. This shared perception can blind us to emerging threats-to the firm, community, or country; it can also deprive us of chances to forge new connections and make new discoveries. In contrast, our acquaintances often know people who are not part of our circle of friends; they offer us informational diversity because we are now connected to people who are much less like us socially, economically, and even spatially. Of course, this is not to suggest that strong ties are less meaningful: they are thought to constitute a major mechanism for social support in hard times. Indeed, the strength of community ties might well be a crucial factor in personal happiness and fulfillment. We developed a composite measure of the diversity of calling to and from an area that could be correlated with existing socioeconomic deprivation measures. More recent work using a much simpler "local-ness" measure-the ratio of local to national calls made from a neighborhood- seems to show a similar effect. Of course, in reality the picture is a little more complicated because we cannot easily untangle the direction of causality: it is unclear whether people are more deprived because they have less diverse social networks, or they have less diverse social networks because they live in more deprived communities. To put it another way: is it that people who live in deprived areas tend to have made, or have been forced to make, life choices that inhibit their acquisition of more diverse networks, whereas those who live in less deprived areas have been able to take life paths (such as non-local higher education and employment) that tend to lead to more geographically dispersed social networks The essential importance of the social dimension makes the answer to this question vital to the planning of appropriate policy interventions. But if the problem is, as seems likely, more deeply rooted in the constrained life-path choices available, then the appropriate policy response is more structural in nature and is unlikely to deliver "quick wins" in the short-term, a circumstance that creates challenges for policymakers looking for 12- to 24-month returns on policy investments. Within the contemporary multi- or transnational firm, these interactions are increasingly global in scope, which indicates the increasingly complex nature of both global supply chains and also knowledge flows between workers in widely separated offices. In order to understand these dynamics in more depth, we need to be able to see the knowledge economy in action, and telecommunications networks remain the best lens through which to do so. To get at the globalization of knowledge by businesses, we can compare the level of international calling for some small area to the overall level of activity in the region of which that area is a part. And by filtering out individuals, households, and small businesses from the dataset, we can here focus on medium- and large-sized businesses with divergent levels of engagement with the global economy. The telecommunications quotient is a simple-tocalculate ratio that captures the relative intensity of international calling for a small area within a larger region; it is anonymous, aggregate, and allows us to determine whether an area makes more or fewer calls than we would expect, given the overall behavior of the surrounding region. Thus a quotient of 1 means that the area is "normal" in its international calling behavior, while a quotient of 8 would mean that an area places eight times more international calls than expected from the regional average. This approach enables us to identify differences of behavior both between firms operating in the same industry and between areas with strong specializations in different industries. For example, it is clearly expected that the City of London, which is home to global financial services firms, will be highly internationalized in its calling activity; and it is. Figure 3b suggests that, even for finance, there are attractions to moving out of the City: there are backoffice sites with extremely high levels of relative international calling visible to the South of Greater London. The ability to distinguish between globally and locally interacting industries heralds a step change in our ability to understand the impact of globalization on regional development. The financial industry, because of its effect on government, tends to draw our attention toward the traditional downtowns of Manhattan and the City of London.

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This approach has enabled fisheries managers to understand likely changes to fisheries under a range of climate change scenarios allergy forecast bend oregon purchase cheap promethazine on line, highlighted critical research gaps and priorities allergy testing youtube discount promethazine 25 mg with mastercard, and assisted marine industries to identify adaptation strategies that maximize positive outcomes (Creighton et al allergy testing hair buy 25 mg promethazine amex. Objectives are being revised to accommodate climate change effects (Jennings et al allergy and asthma clinic buy discount promethazine 25 mg on-line. What are the key fisheries policy issues that need to be addressed to enable adaptation to climate change. How will fisheries policy be affected by future mitigation and adaptation policies in other sectors, such as no-harvest conservation measures What significant changes in fisheries have occurred before because of extrinsic factors and what can be learned from those changes that will inform adaptation to climate change Linked sustainability challenges and trade-offs among fisheries, aquaculture and agriculture. Managing consequences of climate-driven species redistribution requires integration of ecology, conservation and social science. How long can fisheries management delay action in response to ecosystem and climate change Management adaptation of invertebrate fisheries to an extreme marine heat wave event at a global warming hot spot. Maximum economic yield of the western rock lobster fishery of Western Australia after moving from effort to quota control. Adapting management of marine environments to a changing climate: a checklist to guide reform and assess progress. National climate change and fisheries action plan for fisheries and aquaculture 2009-2012. What caused seven consecutive years of low puerulus settlement in the western rock lobster fishery of Western Australia An assessment of carbon footprints and sustainability of seafood consumed in Australia. Decadal scale projection of changes in Australian fisheries stocks under climate change. Ensemble analysis of the future distribution of large pelagic fishes off Australia. Sliding baselines and shuffling species: implications of climate change for marine conservation. Implications of climate change for Australian fisheries and aquaculture: a preliminary assessment. National climate change adaptation research plan marine biodiversity and resources: update 2017. Dynamic ocean management: Integrating scientific and technological capacity with law, policy and management. Highly variable recruitment in an estuarine fish is determined by salinity stratification and freshwater flow: implications of a changing climate. Setting objectives for evaluating management adaptation actions to address climate change impacts in south-eastern Australian fisheries. Facing the wave of change: stakeholder perspectives on climate adaptation for Australian seafood supply chains. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 370(1659): Article 20130269. Socio-economic and management implications of range-shifting species in marine systems. Modelling marine community responses to climatedriven species redistribution to guide monitoring and adaptive ecosystem-based management.

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